Russian Revolution Tipping Point: Facts and Counterfacts

The future may roll out according to plan, by virtue of the constraints of the natural environment or the momentum supplied by an organized social order. On the other hand, the future may take a sudden turn as the result of some unforeseeable chance circumstance. Enough such chance circumstances and ordered simplicity is replaced by incomprehensible complexity: perhaps a man “makes history” or perhaps his absence equally makes history, albeit going unnoticed.

At what seems to have been a key tipping point in the course of Russian history, the Tsar’s abrupt abdication having left behind a power vacuum revolutionaries and moderates were scrambling to fill, it so happened that WWI was effectively on winter holiday, leaving the massive Russian army organized, the only national force holding real power, and with nothing to do. It also so happened that strong-willed General Gurko had just left his position as chief-of-staff to become commander of the western front—an entirely reasonable move in view of the anticipated spring German offensive. It further so happened that his replacement in charge of all Russian forces was mild-mannered, cautious General Alekseyev. And thus, by a chain of chance occurrences with unforeseeable consequences, all the best laid plans of men set in the concrete of laws, bureaucracy, intentions, and power dissolved into a complex-adaptive system of interacting, semi-independent, self-organized groups driving each other’s political evolution…and Russia’s last, best chance was lost. At least, so it seemed to a very frustrated General Gurko, who was out of the loop.

Так покойно было фронтовое сидение этой зимы, так планомерно сгущалось вооружение, снаряжение, и война как будто выходила на перевал, с которого можно было видеть и конец её, — и вдруг обрушилась революция!….

генералы стояли во главе превосходных вооружённых сил, сторожили дремлющего внешнего врага — и не дано было им обернуться, не дано вмешаться, и даже не спрашивал никто их мнения, как лишних и чужих! Состояние паралитика: голова работает, сознание чётко, а пошевельнуть нельзя ни пальцем. А у Гурко было особенно досадливое состояние: что это меж его пальцами протекло, сквозь его энергичную хватку!…И воли, и твёрдости, и быстроты ума — всего этого в генерале Гурко избывало, и будь он сейчас начальником штаба Верховного — он минуты бы не дал делу колебаться и плыть…[ КРАСНОЕ КОЛЕСО, Узел III — МАРТ СЕМНАДЦАТОГО Книга 3 (главa 407).]

Si calme avait ete le front, cet hiver, si regulierement s’amassient l’armament, l’equipement, et la guerre semblait meme devoir deboucher sur un cold u haut duquel o pourrait en voir la fin – et soudain une revolution qui vous tombait dessus!….

…les generaux commandaient des forces armies excellentes, surveillaient un ennemi extgerieur sommeillant, et ils n’avaient pas eu la possibilite de se retourner, d’intervenir, on ne leur avait meme pas demande leur avis, comme s’ils eussent ete des inutiles et des etrangers! Comme chez un paralytique: le cerveau fonctionne, la conscience est claire, mais impossible de remuer le petit doigt.

Gourko se trouvait, lui, dans un etat de particuliere contrariete, car l’affaire etait passee sous son nez, elle avait echappe a sa forte poigne….Volonte, fermete, promptitude d’esprit – le general Gourko avait de tout cela a revendre, et s’il avait ete en ce moment chef d’etat-major du Commandant Supreme, il n’aurait pas laisse une minute les choses vaciller et s’effilocher…[Alexandre Soljenitsyne, La roué rouge, troisieme noeud, Tome 3, Mars dix-sept, 195-6.]

All this is not to imply that vacillation in the face of sudden crisis constitutes bad policy: indeed, given the very real possibility of immediate civil war, vacillation was, at the time, probably the best available option both for the new bourgeois regime and the Tsarist military command, though the post-Tsarist regime might well have made a more sincere effort to understand the needs of Russian industrial workers for a shorter day and of Russian peasants for better crop prices. However rational, vacillation did not save Russia from vicious civil war or the degeneration of socialist dreams into Stalinist oppression, but that came later; vacillation at least postponed violence, giving peaceful reform a chance. Who knows if a “man on horseback” focused on winning the war and presumably insensitive to the desperate plight of the Russian peasant or the pent-up frustrations of the Russian worker would have accomplished anything with his heavy hand but laying the groundwork for an even more violent future explosion. Gurko’s own account stresses the rapidity with which discipline was collapsing even among the frontline forces, so Solzhenitsyn’s portrayal of Gurko believing he could have controlled the situation may not be an accurate representation of Gurko’s thoughts. [See Gurko, War and Revolution, Ch. 26.] Whatever the ultimate impact of history, factual or counterfactual, a chain of minor accidents—the precise timing of the revolution, the precise timing of the recovery of a sick commander and his return to central HQ, the differences in the personalities of the outgoing and incoming commanders—set up an historic turning point and controlled, momentarily, its outcome.


We all know that things have consequences, albeit without foreseeing those consequences very clearly, but the understanding…in practice…that those consequences are likely to be of another order, e.g., more intense as they benefit from the momentum of the event they follow, is a lesson we all seem to find hard to learn.

C’est ainsi que la chute du roi avait entraîné la chute du système bourgeois, et que l’insurrection populaire contre Louis XVI, inspirée par des sentiments patriotiques, par la crainte du péril extérieur, aboutit, le jour même de sa victoire, à l’établissement de la démocratie. [Aulard, 296.]

It did not follow that overthrowing Louis XVI would automatically and instantly provoke the collapse of what Aulard calls the “bourgeois system,” i.e., the 1792 regime that institutionalized for a year a middle class elite-run monarchy that arbitrarily granted the right to vote only to the rest of the middle class club, thereby trying carefully to avoid the much feared democracy dreamed of by revolutionaries. It also did not follow that the popular insurrection against Louis provoked by his secret plotting with foreign governments against his own people would lead directly to democracy.

There may be a logic to these linkages but it is tortured and complicated. As is often the case, the ruler, by his shortsightedness and obstinate rejection of compromise eagerly offered (by the bourgeoisie even after his secret plotting with foreigners was revealed), managed to defeat himself far more definitively than was necessary. Fortunately for those of us who are neither rulers nor satisfied with those who are, rulers seem never to learn this lesson.

Revolution and Honor

A time comes in every revolution when the distinction between moral positions and tactical alternatives blurs, coalitions split, friends become antagonists. That time reveals the true nature of the “heroes” combatting “injustice.” Do we grant our former allies the right to make their own decisions and go their separate ways in peace or do we demand obedience, punish disagreement with death, and launch the revolution down the path to its own repressive immorality?

In his historical novel about Li Zicheng’s peasant rebellion that caused the collapse of the Ming dynasty, Yao Xueyin captures the moment of truth when a trusted general decides to split with Li after a disastrous defeat by Ming forces and desert the revolutionary movement. Li must decide whether to take revenge against his subordinate and former friend or allow him to leave in peace.

A loyal soldier charges up to the revolutionary forces’ military HQ, leaps off his horse, and demands at the top of his lungs that Li punish the dissident general:


  “放走不得!”許多聲音附和說。[Li Zicheng, Vol. 1, Ch. 14.]

“Charging King! [WM: Li’s Battle Name] Families have family rules; armies have military law. Considering that this guy Flag-Shaking Hao [WM: General Hao Yaoqi’s nickname], typically self-promoting and self-satisfied, is unwilling when he runs into trouble to support the group and quick to criticize, Charging King, your tolerance and forgiveness toward him have gone far enough. It is now obvious that he is rebelling and dragging others with their horses to run away; not to hinder him can in no way be considered by the whole army’s troops and officers to be a persuasive policy. Charging King, do not let Flag-Shaking Hao go!”

“Letting him go is unacceptable!” A multitude of voices repeated.

Emerging slowly from the door, Li quietly responds:




Flag-Shaking Hao was not originally one of our Old Unit Eight people; I cannot treat him the same as you. If we have now been defeated and life is difficult, even more we must intensify training and tighten security. Flag-Shaking Hao and his subordinate officers and men cannot endure and wish to depart, so let them go. I cannot talk to you in too much detail about this painful event; later, you will understand.

Zicheng’s expression and words were so sincere, so full of feeling that despite being only a few simple sentences delivered, moreover, in a low voice, they calmed by half everyone’s unquenchable anger. Despite still nursing a grievance, no one uttered a sound.

“We have all had a hard day,” Charging King said. “Those of you who are not on night duty go get some sleep. Come what may, tomorrow we will deal with it. Big-Cow Wang, don’t you want to take a break? Go ahead!”

And in the end, after Li had essentially destroyed the Ming but himself died and his rebellion had failed to seize power, the historical rebel general Flag-Shaking Hao rallied to the now-patriotic Ming cause of defending China against the invading Manchus, as Li Zicheng himself might well have done.

Under Ground

One may be under ground in the literal sense of hiding in some hole where one will be safe from the prying eyes of those “others” who are always trying to judge you or in the figurative sense of serving in a profession not held in good repute by society. Either way, the longer one lives under ground, the more one risks becoming introverted; the more introverted one becomes, the more one risks the development of a biased perspective, which in turn transforms easily into contempt for those from whom one has hidden oneself. The rest of us, we who live conventionally as part of society, equating that conventional behavior with goodness, have many words for those who live under ground—crazy, lunatic, extremist—but what we are really saying is “different:” we reject such people, shove them further into their isolation, feed their lunacy, their “distinctiveness.” This is dangerous for what we sneer at, they do indeed come to see as their distinction, their justification for pride, and then their marginalization can become the source less of weakness than of power.

The madman who lived under ground–well…either he is mad or all of us are and since there are a lot more of us, I conclude that the fault is his—and who so meticulously noted down his self-absorbed ravings may indeed have been a pathetic and insignificant creature proud of his diseases [Dostoevsky, Notes from Underground (Russian Classics in Russian and English, 13).], but from that self-absorption to a transformative drive for power can be an astonishingly short step.

Whether Dostoevsky was predicting Lenin, or Lenin discovered himself in Dostoevsky, or Solzhenitsyn had Dostoevsky’s underground man in mind as he depicted Lenin hiding helplessly in his own self-absorbed Swiss underground as the February Revolution unfolded, it is hard to tell where the brilliant ravings in Notes ends and masterful Leninist revolutionary strategy begins.

Жгло, что сам — не там, невозможно вмешаться, невозможно направить. [СОЛЖЕНИЦЫН,  КРАСНОЕ КОЛЕСО , Узел III — МАРТ СЕМНАДЦАТОГО,  Книга 3 (главы 449).]

Il se consumait de n’etre pas la-bas, de ne pouvoir imposer sa direction aux evenements. [Mars dix-sept (Fayard, 360).]

In his first sentence, Dostoevsky’s imaginary underground writer admits…and proceeds to make the case quite persuasively:

Я человек больной… Я злой человек. [[ Фёдор Михайлович Достоевский, Записки из подполья —Часть I, Глава I.]

I am sick…I am a spiteful man.[7.]

The real underground man, upon hearing that revolution is indeed breaking out all over Russia, rejects all cooperation, stressing his own unique grasp of Truth:

И социалистам-центристам, Чхеидзе — никакого доверия! никакого слияния с ними! Мы — отдельно ото всех!

Surtout, n’accorder aucune confiance aux socialistes-centrists, a Tcheidze! Ne jamais fusionner avec eux! Nous sommes—a part! [361.]

Let the centrists form the new regime. To retain power, they must feed the people, but (one can see Lenin smirking), they won’t be able to. Until then, let them all stew in their own juices while we remain in our citadel, safe from the free marketplace of public debate…underground:

И вообще: будет величайшим несчастьем, если кадетское правительство разрешит легальную рабочую партию, — это очень ослабит нас. Надо надеяться, что мы останемся нелегальными! А если уж навяжут нам легальность, то мы обязательно сохраним подпольную часть…

Bien comprendre que ce qui peut nous arriver de pire, c’est l’autorisation d’un parti ouvrier legal par le gouvernement Cadet, cela nous affaiblirait beaucoup. Esperons que nous resterons illegaux! Et si on nous impose la legalite, conservons absolument une activite clandestine: notre force est dans le podpolie…[361.]

As the first few days of the February Revolution pass, Lenin agonizes over whether or not it is precisely the right time for him to return to Russia but quickly focuses on the strategy he will use: repression without pity.

не повторить нам ошибок Коммуны, её двух основных ошибок: она не захватила банков в свои руки и была слишком великодушна: вместо повальных расстрелов враждебных классов — всем сохраняла жизнь и думала их перевоспитывать. Так вот, самое гибельное, что грозит пролетариату, — это великодушие в революции. Надо научить его не бояться безжалостных массовых средств!

Les deux erreurs de la Commune, ses deux erreurs fondamentales, nous ne les repeterons pas: elle n’a pas saisi les banques et elle a ete trop magnanime: au lieu de fusiller en masse les classes qui lui etaient hostiles, elle leur a conserve la vie en esperant les reeduquer. Car le plus grand peril qui menace le proletariat, c’est bien sa magnanimite en periode de revolution. Nous devons lui apprendre a ne pas reculer devant des measures de masse impitoyables! [363.]

Sneered at by “men of action,” the rejected, humiliated “little mouse” seeks safety underground in a hole where it can do nothing but…think.

Доходит наконец до самого дела, до самого акта отмщения. Несчастная мышь кроме одной первоначальной гадости успела уже нагородить кругом себя, в виде вопросов и сомнений, столько других гадостей; к одному вопросу подвела столько неразрешенных вопросов, что поневоле кругом нее набирается какая-то роковая бурда, какая-то вонючая грязь, состоящая из ее сомнений, волнений и, наконец, из плевков, сыплющихся на нее от непосредственных деятелей, предстоящих торжественно кругом в виде судей и диктаторов и хохочущих над нею во всю здоровую глотку. Разумеется, ей остается махнуть на все своей лапкой и с улыбкой напускного презренья, которому и сама она не верит, постыдно проскользнуть в свою щелочку. Там, в своем мерзком, вонючем подполье, наша обиженная, прибитая и осмеянная мышь немедленно погружается в холодную, ядовитую и, главное, вековечную злость. [Часть I, Глава III.]

Apart from the one primary nastiness the luckless mouse has by now succeeded in creating around it so many other nastinesses in the form of doubts and questions; it has added to the one question so many unsettled questions that there inevitably works up around it a sort of fatal brew, a sort of stinking filth, made up of its doubts, emotions, and finally of the spits showered upon it by the direct men of action who stand solemnly around it as judges and dictators, laughing at it with all their might. Of course the only thing left for it is to dismiss all that with a wave of its paw, and, with a smile of assumed contempt in which it does not even itself believe, creep ignominiously into its mouse-hole. There in its nasty, stinking, underground our offended, crushed and ridiculed mouse promptly becomes absorbed in cold, venomous and, above all, everlasting spite. [19.]

Thinking in isolation, without action may certainly lead to lunacy, i.e., belief in something unreal provoking irrational behavior, but a short step away in a different direction lies the absolute determination to risk all in a burst of action. The mouse becomes the “direct man of action.” For this to occur, Dostoevsky’s underground mouse must answer the question so innocently posed at the beginning of its analysis of “revenge:”

Ведь у людей, умеющих за себя отомстить и вообще за себя постоять, — как это, например, делается?

With people who know how to revenge themselves and to stand up for themselves in general, how is it done? [17.]

Rule #1: Never Share Power

Yao Xueyin [ 姚雪垠]’s account of the collapse of an incompetent regime (the Ming dynasty) beset by both internal rebellion (provoked by the regime’s incompetence) and foreign invasion (invited by the regime’s declining effectiveness) is perhaps the best example of 20th century Chinese historical fiction. While the leaders argued over whether to defeat the rebels first or protect the country from invasion first, massive state armies tried to surround and overwhelm fast-moving rebel cavalry.

陝西巡撫孫傳庭在潼關南原預設了三道埋伏來截擊李自成。第一道埋伏被農民軍沖殺得紛紛潰逃,隻起了消耗農民軍有生力量的作用,但是這種結果,對作戰有經驗的孫傳庭是早就料到的。他認為,如今李自成是在他布好的口袋裡邊尋找生路,以必死決心向前沖,頭一道埋伏的地形又不夠險要,自然難以將李自成包圍殲滅。作戰的規律總是“一鼓作氣,再而衰,三而竭”,他相信經過上午的一場大戰,又加上繼續行軍,李自成的士氣已經是“再而衰”了,所以他把更大的兵力擺在這第二道埋伏上,並親自督戰。至於第三道埋伏,他隻配備了少數兵力,准備截擊潰散的農民軍。[姚雪垠 – 李自成 – 第十章.]

At the southern entrance to Tongguan Pass, Shaanxi Province Inspector General Sun Chuanting laid out a tripartite ambush to intercept Li Zicheng. By means of a vigorous attack, the peasant army had managed to flee in disorder from the first phase of the ambush, the only result being the rising exhaustion of the peasant army’s power, a result the experienced soldier Sun Chuanting had anticipated. He calculated that if Li Zicheng had pulled an escape route out of his hat by approaching the clash with absolute determination, the terrain of the first ambush also not being sufficiently favorable, naturally it would be hard in the future to surround and destroy Li Zicheng. The rule of war having always been, “Pull it off the first time, fall back the second time, and fail the third,”he believed that having undergone a big battle in the morning, not to mention continuing troops movements thereafter, Li Zicheng’s morale would already have reached the “fall back the second time”point, so he deployed even more forces for the second phase and took personal command of the battle. As for the third phase, he only allocated minimal forces in preparation for attacking scattered peasant troops. [My translation.]

Li did indeed escape from the first trap but was caught in the second trap and, in a dramatic battlefield negotiation with Sun Chuanting—each leader surrounded by his own bodyguard and yelling at the top of his lungs with both armies listening, offered—in the novel, at least—to join forces against the invading Manchus. Li undiplomatically portrayed himself as finding “unbearable”the Manchu intrusion through the Great Wall and surrounding of Beijing:


Now the Tartars have come through the Great Wall, surrounded Beijing, and come deep into the suburbs. [My translation.]

It will come as no surprise to any observer of modern politics that the regime general instantly became infuriated, interrupted Li Zicheng (who was engrossed in enumerating the conditions for his cooperation [supplies for his army, respectful treatment, etc.]), and ordered the total destruction of the rebels.

Whether or not this conversation in fact ever occurred, it underscores the fatal hubris of officials who prefer gambling their country’s freedom to sharing power with the people. No wonder Mao liked this novel, though he may have come to have second thoughts later in his career…

The Myth of Private Property in a Corporate World

It is a myth based on a misunderstanding of the financial structure of the modern world to imagine that the legal rights and privileges of corporations have anything to do with private property: the term “private” has no relevance to a corporation. However shocking this statement may be to those on either side of the debate over the presumed “personhood” of corporations, it is an insight into modern realities that was explained a century ago…by Walter Lippmann.

The trust movement [READ: corporations] is doing what no conspirator or revolutionist could ever do: it is sucking the life out of private property….

Not long ago the Interstate Commerce Commission…issued a report on the bankruptcy of the Frisco railway which contained a condemnation of certain private bankers for offering bonds to the investing public when the bankers should have known that the road was insolvent. The Commission was saying that the investor couldn’t know, that he was in the hands of experts, and that the experts have a trust to perform. You couldn’t very well go to greater lengths in announcng the impotence of private property….

…the question of nationalizing industries is not a choice between the maintenance of private property and its abolition….

If the Steel Trust is efficient, it is not due to the existence of its 200,000 stockholders. It is due to the fact that the management is autocratic….When governments are willing to pursue that course, they can be just as efficient as private management….

…the conflict between democracy and centralized authority…is the line upon which the problems of collectivism will be fought out…[Walter Lippmann, Drift and Mastery; An Attempt to Diagnose the Current Unrest (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1917), Ch. III “The Magic of Property,” 50-65.

Mr. Lippmann would roll over in his grave were he to see the “current unrest:” a recession caused by still unabated Wall St. corruption, a Supreme Court pretending that corporations–the most impersonal, anti-individualist institution ever invented–were in some way “persons,” and a federal government handing free “stay out of jail cards” to all billionaire financial criminals who actually are “persons.”

What Do We Do With the Officer Corps?

Whether revolution arrives in the normal tidal wave of violence or, by good fortune, peacefully, the core “civil security” problem remains: what to do with the military? Too powerful to defeat by brute force, too powerful casually to dismiss, and–indeed–too valuable for national security to do without, both the mass of soldiers and the officer corps challenge–in different ways–revolutionary prospects. The bottom-up, i.e., popular, nature of Russia’s February Revolution allowed a peaceful (except for a relative handful of murders of officers by self-appointed “popular judges,” i.e., mob rule) revolution via a process of the army voting with its feet to send the tsarist system to the ash heap of history, but the officer corps–that was entirely another issue. Dismiss the officer corps entirely and you are left with a leaderless mob plus the looming threat for the next generation of a counter-revolutionary reaction; keep the officer corps and you hand power back to the reactionary gang you just got rid of. “Thousands and thousands of military officers strutted across Russia–presumptuous, coarse, stupid, threatening, but were there among them a certain number of socialists?” Might one find a handful of genuine reformers…even here, at the apex of power?

Много, много тысяч офицеров красовалось в России — заносчивых, грубых, глупых, грозных, но много ли среди них социалистов? Сейчас эта гордая масса (в которой Саша задыхался несколько лет) сотрясена, сбилась как стадо, угодничает, притворяется перед восставшим народом, подписывает униженные документы — но естественно, что солдатская масса не верит ей — и права! Разве это старое офицерьё может существовать без царя?…

Однако армия не может обходиться без офицеров — и с кого же первых натягивать это революционное офицерство, если не с социалистов? Подобно тому, как юристы-социалисты призваны в новые мировые суды, — так офицеры-социалисты должны сплотить искренное революционное офицерство. Кадровое будет сейчас тесниться и даже сметаться с пути — а вверх взлетать будут даже из рядовых, как во всякую революцию, как в Великую Французскую простые конюхи становились генералами. [Солженицын, КРАСНОЕ КОЛЕСО, УЗЕЛ III, Март Семнадцатого, 440.]

Les officiers etaient nombreux, tres nombreux en Russie, et a se pavaner, meprisants, hautains, grossiers, obtus, menacants, mais y avait-il parmi eux tant de socialistes? Aujourd’hui, cette masse orgueilleuse (au sein de laquelle Sacha suffoquait depuis quelques annees) etait sens dessus dessous, pareille a un troupeau egare, elle faisait des courbettes, jouait les hypocrites devant le peuple souleve, signait des documents pleins d’humilite, mais il etait clair que l’immense majorite des soldats ne la croyait pas, et avec raison! Comment tous ces vieux officiers eussent-ils pu vivre sans tsar?…

L’armee, pourtant, ne pouvait se passer d’officiers–et comment amorcer la creation de ce corps d’officiers revolutionnaires, sinon par les socialistes? De meme que les juristes socialistes etaient appeles a former les nouveaux tribunaux civils, de meme les officiers socialistes devaient-ils constituer un corps authentiquement revolutionnaire. Les officiers de carriere allaient etre comprimes, voire balayes, et l’on assisterait a une ascension fulgurante, peut-etre meme d’hommes du rang, comme dans toute revolution, comme durant la Grande Revolution francaise ou de simples palefreniers devenaient generaux. [Alexandre Soljenitsyne, La roue rouge, troisieme noeud, Tome 3, Mars dix-sept, Ch. 440 (Paris: Fayard, 1987, 320-321.]

 All well and good to search for officers who were reformers, but what of officers who were not “socialist” or “reformers” simply because they were apolitical professionals trying to protect Russian national security? Were they to take the blame for the misbehavior of repressive or corrupt politicians? Is it not the moral responsibility of sincere revolutionaries to distinguish between oppression by the rich or by violence-prone police and military officers risking their lives on the front lines to defend the country against invasion? A telegram from military headquarters revealed the rising panic of top officers, as they saw their colleagues being murdered:

Дабы не допустить позора России, новому правительству необходимо наконец проявить власть и авторитет: срочно, определённо и твёрдо сказать, что никто не смеет касаться армии.[Солженицын УЗЕЛ III Март Семнадцатого 444.]

S’il ne voulait pas laisser la Russie sombrer dans la honte, le nouveau gouvernement devait absolument manifester son pouvoir et son autorite en declarant d’urgence, nettement et fermement, que nul n’avait le droit de toucher a l’armee. [Ch. 444, p. 336.]

Panic, indeed:

В Кронштадте и Гельсингфорсе убивали, говорят, по каким-то заготовленным спискам, —и лучших боевых офицеров, совсем не в хаосе обезглавили флот! [Солженицын УЗЕЛ III Март Семнадцатого 445.]

A Kronstadt et a Helsingfors, on tuait, disait-on, d’apres des listes toutes pretes, et pas n’importe qui: les meilleurs officiers, les “battants,” on decapitait la Flotte, mais de maniere organisee! [Ch. 445, p. 337.]

The brand-new, self-appointed bourgeois regime–nearly overwhelmed by the threatening power of the brand-new, self-appointed revolutionary Soviet–was, however, in no position to do anything “clearly and firmly:”

…в заколоженном отупевшем Петрограде не хотели ни понять, ни откликнуться. [Солженицын УЗЕЛ III Март Семнадцатого 444.]

…dans ce Petrograd petrifie, hebete, les gens ne voulaient ni comprendre ni donner signe de vie. [Ch. 444, p. 337.]

How does the new revolutionary movement avoid throwing the technically proficient baby out with the outdated, arrogant, repressive bathwater?



красова́тьсяshow off – se pavaner

зано́счивыйpresumptuous – hautain

гру́бый – coarse -grossier

гордая – proud – orgueilleuse

задыха́ться – suffocate – suffoquer

сотряса́ть – shake – sens dessus dessous

уго́дничество – subservience - faire des courbettes

притворя́ться – pretend – jouer les hypocrites

униженные – oppressed – pleins d’humilite

Обходиться- get by, do – se passer de

натягивать – stretch, initiate – amorcer

спла́чивать – join – constituer

сметаться с пути – be swept away – balayer

тесни́ться – be squeezed together, hold back – comprimer 

ко́нюх – stableboy – palefrenier

Допустить – allow – laisser

Позор – disgrace – honte

сро́чно – urgently – d’urgence

касаться – touch – toucher

Заколоженном – boarded up – petrifie

Отупевшем – stupefied – hebete

Откликнуться – respond – donner signe de vie